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Theme Changer

 Topic: Is it time to end media blackouts? (for kidnappings)

 (Read 1658 times)
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  • Is it time to end media blackouts? (for kidnappings)
     OP - October 08, 2014, 04:41 PM

    http://www.cjr.org/the_kicker/james_foley_steven_sotloff_media_blackout.php?page=all
    Quote
    The brutal murder of journalist James Foley and now Steven Sotloff in Syria has sparked disbelief and raw outrage. Now, a broader debate is opening about the role of the media in conflict zones: Are some stories just too dangerous for journalists to cover? Should governments pay ransom when reporters are kidnapped? How should the media cover terrorist propaganda like that surrounding the beheading of these journalists?

    Answering these questions requires accurate and timely information from conflict zones, precisely the kind of thing journalists risk their lives to report.

    But there is one story the media has not been covering fully, at least until recently. And that is the story of the kidnappings themselves. Under a practice known as a “media blackout,” news organizations have routinely suppressed information about the widespread abductions of journalists and others that have taken place in Syria, Somalia, Pakistan, and other countries around the world. The number of journalists kidnapped each year varies greatly from conflict to conflict, but there has never been anything like Syria. More than 80 journalists have been kidnapped since the conflict erupted in 2011.

    As head of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), I’ve been involved in far too many of these cases over the years. I’ve provided support from media organizations and families; I’ve participated in campaigns, both and public and private, to win the release of kidnapped reporters; and I’ve debriefed many journalists and media organizations about their experience.

    Initially, I supported the use of media blackouts in selective cases. But more recently I have come to doubt that it is an effective strategy. The rationale behind blackouts is that they can save lives by facilitating hostage negotiations. But I have seen scant evidence to support this. Meanwhile, because the news is suppressed and sometimes never released, blackouts themselves stifle the public debate and undermine the media’s own credibility.

    [...]

    The above is from the Columbia Review of Journalism a month or so ago, but I've just read something similar in the Times - behind the Murdoch paywall unfortunately.

    It also raises the question of how many more hostages are being held by Islamic State.

    Edit: here's a link for the report from the Times: Media ban did hostages no favours
    Quote
    [...]

    The parents of James Foley, the US journalist who was the first western hostage to be executed by Islamic State, voiced regret at their decision to go along with advice from the US government to keep quiet about their son’s captivity.

    John Foley, the journalist’s father, said: “I don’t think it helped the captives. If we were silent we couldn’t engage the media to put pressure on people and governments to be more aggressive in their relief efforts.” He added that silence hindered the passing of potentially important information.

    The brother of Alan Henning, a British hostage who was also killed, has criticised government advice on keeping silent during the nine months that the taxi driver was held captive.

    “We’ve been gagged not to say a thing,” Reg Henning said.

    [..]

  • Is it time to end media blackouts? (for kidnappings)
     Reply #1 - October 08, 2014, 04:48 PM

    http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2014/09/02/the-media-blackout-on-hostages-helps-isis.html
    Quote
    [...]

    Washington and London might want to rescue the remaining hostages or roll back the Islamic State, they should start by fighting the information war with ISIS. The most immediate way is to stop suppressing information about the hostages and to ask the families and employers of hostages to lift their media blackout requests.

    Openness would take away some of the control the jihadists have to administer shock as they go on killing. The U.S. and U.K. with their blackouts are handing ISIS the propaganda initiative, leaving it to the jihadists to decide when captives should be named, allowing them to add to the drama of the unveiling when they first threaten hostages with execution on camera and then carrying out the brutal deed. At least this power of naming could be taken from the jihadists, who already are in the position to taunt their foes and turn their slaughtering of Westerners into a global spectacle.

    European governments, who have recently paid multimillion-dollar ransoms for the release of some hostages held by ISIS and are negotiating for the release of others, would oppose the move. European officials tell me a lifting of media blackouts could imperil ongoing financial negotiations. America and Britain won’t pay up, however.

    [...]

    British and American officials are asking the media to be highly limited in their reporting of ISIS hostages. It isn’t clear why, or who is best served by the restrictions. Some frustrated family members, who feel neither the U.S. or U.K. governments are doing enough, argue the blackouts take public pressure off the officials.

    Few responsible Western media outlets question the request from the U.S. and U.K. not to broadcast the images of slaughter, but the British Foreign Office also requested that the media refrain from identifying the British hostage in the Sotloff video, even though his name had been spread across the globe on social media and in the press by the time the Foreign Office issued the request.

    Furthermore, British officials are asking media organizations “not to report that any other British citizens are being held in Syria. This is because we assess that coverage will increase the threat to their lives.” How so? Does ISIS not know the number of Britons they hold?

    [...]

    Other journalists critical of the blackouts find it hard not conclude that some media organizations prefer to keep quiet for as long as they can because they are afraid to face criticism for their use of sometimes untried and inexperienced reporters, and for failing to question security arrangements enough.

    Most security consultants in the field I have questioned admit blackouts are probably only useful in the immediate days after a seizure. They say they give a chance to ascertain what might have happened to a captive without having to be distracted with stories in the media compromising the chance to enter negotiations or hampering a quick rescue effort.

    A news blackout was observed in 2008 when the Taliban abducted New York Times reporter David Rohde. He later escaped his kidnappers and has argued in the past that the blackout in his case was useful. But writing this summer for Thomson Reuters he maintained that at least for the families “there are no good choices.”

    “In the years since I’ve returned home, it’s become clear that one unintended consequence of this blackout strategy is that U.S. officials are under little pressure to address the problem. Anguished families say they regularly visit Washington only to be ‘patted on the head’ by U.S. officials.”

    [...]

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