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 Topic: The European left and the Muslim far-right

 (Read 1414 times)
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  • The European left and the Muslim far-right
     OP - March 13, 2015, 04:56 PM

    Interview with Marieme Helie-Lucas

    http://siawi.org/article9168.html
    Quote
    The terms “political Islam” or “Islamists” are misleading: both suggest religious movements, while they should in fact be characterised in political terms. The left (and far-left) in Europe did not take the trouble of going through a thorough analysis of the political nature of Muslim fundamentalist movements; it mostly saw them as popular movements (which indeed they are, and populist too, but that did not ring any bells, it seems) opposing... you name it: colonisation, capitalism, imperialism, undemocratic governments, etc. The European left only looked at what it thought (often mistakenly, for example when it presumes the Muslim right is anti-capitalist) fundamentalist movements stood against, never at what they wanted to promote. Yes, they stood against our undemocratic governments, but from a far-right perspective. In Algeria, since the nineties, we have been calling them “green-fascists” (green being here the colour of Islam) or “Islamo-fascists”.

    Many historians in Europe dismiss us when we use the term “fascism”. However, their ideologies (if not their historical and economic circumstances) are scarily comparable: it is not the superior Aryan race, but the superior Islamic creed that is the pillar on which they base their superiority, a superiority they infer from a mythical past (the glorious past of Ancient Rome, the Golden Age of Islam, etc.), a superiority which grants them the right and duty to physically eliminate the untermensch (on the one hand: Jews, communists, Gypsies, gays, physically and/or mentally disabled, on the other: kafir, communists, Jews, gays, etc.). Nazis, fascists, and the Muslim far-right all want women in their place, “church/mosque, kitchen, and cradle”, and all of them are pro-capitalists: the Muslim right calls on the rich to performing the Islamic duty of zakkat (charity), which leaves untouched the power structure, and the “poor” in their place too, which is god’s will.

    Overlooking the political nature of the armed Muslim far-right had terrible consequences for us, anti-fundamentalists from Muslim countries. What Cheikh Anta Diop, the famous Senegalese historian, used to call, in another context, “leftist laziness”, needs to be blamed and exposed.

    If we agree that Muslim fundamentalism is a far-right movement, the question then becomes: can the left support far-right, fascist-type movements in the name of anti-imperialism? And an additional question is: is there still, in this day and age, only one imperialism (i.e., US imperialism)? Or are there emerging imperialisms, for example in oil-rich countries, which should now be taken into account? Is the promotion of the religious far-right, in various forms, one of the elements in the global strategy of these emerging powers?

    A simplistic approach, “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”, supplemented the old dichotomy between the “main” enemy and the “secondary” enemy that so very few thinkers on the left and far-left have questioned in relation to Muslim fundamentalist movements. As women, we experienced the “main enemy” theory being been used against movements for women’s rights: it was never the right time to demand these rights; they should be postponed until after decolonisation; until after the liberation struggle; until after the reconstruction of the country; until we gain some political stability...

  • The European left and the Muslim far-right
     Reply #1 - March 13, 2015, 05:11 PM

    Quote
    What effect does western leftist apologism for political Islam have on the struggles of socialists in Muslim-majority countries?

    For us, it is Munich everyday. We feel like the anti-Nazi Germans and the Republican Spaniards must have felt; abandoned by those who should have been our allies.

    I would like to flag up two specific consequences in Algeria – not just for socialist struggles but for the entire population. The first is the effect on the many left-leaning people who were not formally part of any left organisation (party or union). Just as they turned away from “human rights” when the major human rights organisations supported Muslim fundamentalists but not their victims, i.e., the population at large, people now tend to distance themselves not just from left organisations but also from left analysis and thinking. The organised left in Algeria was decimated; now it is reduced to virtually nothing, except for the one party that shamelessly (or would you say strategically?) allied with the Muslim far-right. Our former allies now look for other ways to resist fundamentalists.

    The ideologically pervasive progress of the Muslim far-right is visible in the fact that religion is routinely invoked more and more in private conversations, as a cultural reference, far more than ever before. One cannot foresee all the consequences of this new trend. But, definitely, socialist thinking is losing ground. People have lost faith in communism; it is not much in the picture any more. The ideas of socialism or communism are not popular any longer. If one thinks back to the years after independence, to how ordinary citizens would analyse problems at that time, it is a tragedy that we have lost so much ground.

    The fragmentation of the people weakens any political initiative. Opponents of both the regime and the Muslim far-right are not able to come together, not even on very simple issues. With the world-celebrated political “liberalisation” in our countries, numerous little parties pop up, to no effect, splitting over anything and everything. One can see in the context of each election the growing inability of the left forces to come together as a front against the regime, and/or against the Muslim right. And one could also see the same phenomenon in Tunisia.

    The second consequence is more difficult to describe, but it is a very important one in my view, which has never been discussed in left circles. What comes to mind is: living in a mad world, where concepts are turned upside down, where there is no reality any more, where the ground is unstable under your feet, where “left” and “right” have no sense or meaning.

    Imagine a situation in which fascists slaughter around 200,000 people in the 1990s – ordinary people, not necessarily the fighting type, but people who send their children to school, or bring them to hospital, or get a birth certificate from the town hall – as GIA has decided that anything to do with the government is kafir, that people who use the facilities of the kafir government are kafir themselves, and that kafir deserve capital punishment. Imagine these people who are murdered, not one family spared, some losing up to 18 to 20 members of their family at once, in an attack on a village. Others see with their own eyes what is being done - torture and killing of their loved ones, women, girls, children. They have reasons to be deeply traumatised.

    Now imagine that the killers, or their leaders, or the representatives of their parties, are invited abroad to speak in left, far-left, and human rights circles, or at the Social Forums (in Porto Alegre and Bombay), or at the UN. Imagine that they are granted asylum in Europe while you are denied it, although your name has been listed on a sheet of paper pinned up on a mosque door calling for your “execution”, and you have exhausted your possibilities for hiding at friends’ houses. Imagine that, while they killed so many of your family, friends, and comrades and hunt you down, you are the one branded “eradicator”, and blamed publicly in international media for demanding from your government not the physical elimination, but the political elimination, of the Muslim far-right – for instance by suspending the electoral process in 1991 (as unions, women’s organisations, and the left did at the time), and that you are therefore the one branded “anti-democracy”, and your killers are supported as great “democrats”.

    Imagine that your daughter has been publicly beheaded, her head subsequently paraded in front of her friends and her breasts cut off in the street, for refusing to obey head-covering orders. And then you read in the newspapers or hear on TV that, in Europe, the left, far-left, and human rights organisations often support “the right to veil”, and that they give a platform to the ideologues that encouraged the killings.

    You live in madness, in a world where words don’t have meaning any more, a world where you can expect anything from anybody, with no logic....

  • The European left and the Muslim far-right
     Reply #2 - April 30, 2015, 01:30 PM

    Quote
    In March 2015, Algerian sociologist and revolutionary socialist-feminist Marieme Helie Lucas spoke to Solidarity, the newspaper of Workers’ Liberty, about the Muslim far-right, and the struggle for secularism, women’s rights, and socialism (click here). Here, we continue the conversation....

    http://www.siawi.org/article9394.html
  • The European left and the Muslim far-right
     Reply #3 - April 30, 2015, 01:35 PM

    Quote
    ....
    What about the issue of racism? The dominant narrative on the UK far-left runs something along the following lines: "Islamism might be bad, but it’s not a threat here. Anti-Muslim racism is a threat. Fighting that is our priority, and talking about Islamism undermines that fight." It’s a compelling argument, because organised-racist, semi-fascist groups like the English Defence League can put hundreds, sometimes thousands, of people on the streets here, whereas organised Islamism seems superficially weaker.

    Partially this is because the left in Britain is itself extremely white, and has no real base in (predominantly South Asian) Muslim communities, so it doesn’t experience Islamism or Islamist ideas as a social force in daily life. But it’s a real issue to consider - how, as a predominantly white left, to critique and organise against a reactionary ideology rooted in a minority community which is subject to racism, without feeding into that racism? And, conversely, how to construct anti-racist alliances and movements that avoid endorsing, apologising for, or allying with, reactionary elements within the affected communities?


    Your question raises other questions: since when is religion a solution to social and political problems ? Since when is this an opinion of the left? And to whom is Islamism “not a threat”? Maybe not to short sighted whites, to use your terminology, but the affected minority community may have other views: in particular, women in minority communities may have a different perception of what is a threat to them.

    The European left is self-centred. They may see something as not being a threat to themselves; that does not mean it is not a threat to others.

    It seems the left does not even acknowledge the existence and the role played by those who are deeply rooted in minority communities and who fight for women’s rights, workers rights, migrant rights, and for progressive solutions to communal conflicts – against the Muslim far-right. Why not learn from Southall Black Sisters, or from Women Against Fundamentalisms (sadly now defunct), for instance? They have all the competence, credentials, and decades-long on-the-ground experience of the threat that “Islamism” represents in Britain.

    There are also numerous intellectuals of Muslim heritage who have spoken up and written about the threat that our religious far-right represents for the values and principles of European republics and democracies, and also, of course, for the minorities on European soil.

    By not interfering, the left leaves us with the choice to submit or to die: in Algeria in the 90s, a short poem attributed to Tahar Djaout (2), the first journalist to be assassinated by the GIA (Groupe Islamique Armé, Armed Islamic Group) in Algiers, goes like this: “If you speak up you die; if you keep silent, you die; so speak up and die”. He did.

    It seems to me that we are still left high and dry in this very same situation. The left is silently watching us die.

    If the left admits to having no base in minority communities, it should be humble enough to let those who do have a base guide their analysis and alliances. At the moment, it is the reverse: our voices are disqualified in the name of the left ‘s imagined exclusive expertise on oppressed classes, racism, and minorities’ issues.

    Let me note in passing that minorities are not a class, they comprise of several classes. We are still waiting for a proper class analysis of minority communities. It is usually assumed that those who plant bombs in Europe or use Kalashnikovs against the kafir are from the lower classes, despite repeated evidence that they mostly belong to educated middle-class families. Again, when facts challenge ideology, facts are disappeared.

    What upsets me most is the implication that oppressed people can only turn out as fascists, never revolutionaries. Is this really what the left in Europe now believes?

    Hundreds of so-called “Sharia courts” and other religious arbitration bodies, now operate in the UK, alongside the UK legal system and sometimes receiving endorsement from the legal establishment. Is that not a threat to the very principle of democracy? A parallel legal system being established for minorities, depriving them of rights enjoyed by the rest of the population, who are supposed to be their fellow citizens: can the left tolerate this? Can the left accept that white British women, under “British” law, enjoy more rights than minority women under religious laws? Can the left accept that citizens can be assigned a “minority” identity against their will, on the basis of their name, or their geographical origin, or that of their families? Can the left accepts that this communal identity supersedes their civil rights?

    This was done to the Jews under Nazism. Will the left accept that it be done to Muslims, and those presumed to be Muslims, regardless of their personal religious beliefs?

    If the left is serious about supporting oppressed minorities, it should realise that those who speak in the name of the community do not necessarily have the legitimacy to do so. By supporting fundamentalists, they simply chose one camp in a political struggle, without acknowledging it. The left will have to acknowledge the political nature of the movements they support. The left will have to chose who they ally with. Informed choices need to be made.

    The English Defense League, or the French National Front, can put hundreds or even thousands on the streets? So can Muslim fundamentalists. Many big anti-war demos in Europe, and many pro-Palestinian demos, have large fundamentalist contingents. I can testify to the fact that in Paris, many progressive Algerians in exile, who used to support all these demos, now refuse to participate, as they do not want to march under the black fundamentalist flag, or hear anti-Jewish slogans and chants.

    The paradox of allowing the xenophobic, “classic” far-right a monopoly over the discourse on the Muslim fundamentalist far-right, is that it reinforces and strengthens the classic far-right. People are not stupid; they see the increasing influence of Muslim fundamentalists and their attempts to change laws, school curricula, etc. Denial by the left leaves people with no alternative analysis to rely on than that produced by the xenophobic far-right. The left’s failure to critique and oppose Muslim fundamentalists, because it believes that, by staying silent, it is not “feeding into the racist far-right”, has the opposite of its intended effect. It does feed into, by omission, a racist discourse on minorities. And, of course, it serves the Muslim fundamentalist far-right as well.
    ....

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