Welcome.
Has society indeed changed in order to accommodate apostates in traditionally Muslim countries?
The key to an answer, I suspect, lies in your use of the word "traditional", and is somewhat bound by both a country's history and politics (which is why generalisations will be difficult) - there is no one uniform Muslim model of state or society to follow (no matter how many people will try to tell you that there is only one Islamic model - this is mainly, well, ahistorical bollocks). I will generalise as far as I think is supportible.
To illustrate; the prominent strands of Sunni political Islam may be seen as rooted in reaction, beginning as responses to modern ideologies (the fascisms and communisms seen in Maududi's day, or Sayyid Qutb's, for that matter) and may be characterised as pseudo-traditional at best. There was a period where apostasy was not much of an official concern in some post-colonial Muslim states led by secular governments (and not a matter much affecting
the secular elites who constituted them); its importance as an issue arguably grew in proportion to the influence wielded by either religious establishments, Islamist political movements or both (see e.g. Egypt, Pakistan, Iran*, from the 1970s onwards).
Where a state has never had an intervening secular government in the aftermath of independence from a colonial power (Saudi Arabia, say), the historical picture is far murkier. While nobody doubts that there are Saudi apostates, it's difficult to imagine that a Saudi apostate can carve out a niche for themselves beyond their immediate family (if it's accepting enough of such things), never mind their clan.. which brings me to another point. There's a huge degree of variety in how societies have traditionally been constituted throughout the Muslim world; some structures may make it more difficult for apostasy to be accepted than others.
In short, this question of what Muslim societies have the necessary room for apostasy to be accepted can't be answered beyond a country-by-country basis, and I suspect the research would be rather difficult to carry out equally thoroughly.
* Iran may not have been, formally speaking, a colonial possession, but it fits this model nonetheless.